1.1. A sharp rise in educational levels as early as the second generation

Beyond age 30, when most people have completed their education, the most notable progress in educational level is observed between immigrant parents (first generation, or G1) and their children born in France (second generation, or G2). In these families, the proportion where at least one parent has a tertiary qualification is just 1 in 20, compared with almost 1 in 3 among their children (Figure 1). This is still well below the 43% of tertiary-educated children among those with French-born parents (G4+ in our notation, with no immigrant ancestors before the fourth generation). For children of mixed-origin couples (G2.5) the proportion is similar, at 43%, while among people with at least one immigrant grandparent (G3), it is 44%. So having one parent born in France is sufficient to reach the same educational level as the rest of the population.

If we now look at ‘educational mobility’ (i.e. not the distribution of educational levels in each generation but rather the progress achieved with respect to the previous one), it is the children of immigrants—whose parents often have little initial schooling—who cover the largest distance, with 70% achieving a higher level than their most qualified parent (Table 1). The proportion is around 55% among those with one non-immigrant parent or with immigrant grandparents only.

These generational differences are partly explained by the fact that the children’s generation attended school at a time and in a society where more students continued into tertiary education. But intergenerational progress and the degree of convergence with native-born French people vary considerably by origin.

1.2. European and North African families: educational convergence after two generations?

Families of North African and Southern European origin (Figure 2) form a first profile. While few parents in this group are tertiary educated (less than 3%), more than a third of the children have a tertiary qualification. Hence the high percentage of children—70% and 80%, respectively—who are more qualified than their parents. This sharp increase within a generation is not explained solely by limited access to tertiary education in the countries of origin; it also reflects immigrant parents’ strong investment in their children’s academic success [1]. The level reached is nonetheless below that of children with native-born French parents (43%), except for the children of mixed-origin couples. By the third generation, the descendants of European migrants have caught up with the descendants of native-born French people (Figure 2).

1.3. Highly educated families from sub-Saharan Africa and Asia

Families of sub-Saharan African and Asian origin form the second profile. In this group, the share of parents with a tertiary education is at least as high as that of the native French: a quarter for those from sub-Saharan Africa, and one-fifth for those of Asian origin. The proportion is 40% for mixed-origin couples. This finding shows that the profiles of immigrants in France are changing. The diversification of origins is associated with a rise in educational levels as emigrants become increasingly selected with respect to those who stay in their home country [2, 3].

This means that there is less margin for progress with respect to the parents’ generation (Table 1). Moreover, a larger share of these children has a tertiary qualification than the children of native French-born parents (43% among the latter vs. 50% for children of one or two African parents, 52% for children of two Asian parents, and even 64% for children with one Asian parent). The success of descendants of Asian immigrants is regularly highlighted, but given the negative representations of African migration in France, the performance of students of African descent rarely receives the attention it deserves.

1.4. Turkish and Middle-Eastern families: a persistent educational disadvantage

The third profile is that of families of Turkish and Middle-Eastern origin. It is characterized by a low share of tertiary-educated among both the parents (5%) and the children (18%) (Figure 2). While 2 in 3 children have a higher educational level than their parents, this profile corresponds to the least qualified immigrant-origin group. The children’s trajectory in France does not make up for past disadvantage.

1.5. Being more qualified than one’s parents: girls outperform boys

It is a well-known fact in France that girls perform better at school than boys. This is also true for the daughters of immigrants (Figure 3), who outperform sons in achieving a higher qualification than their parents (Table 1). These gender differences in educational mobility across generations are observed most acutely in families from Turkey and the Middle East, in which 75% of girls have a higher qualification than their parents versus 55% of boys. This female advantage is less marked in families from sub-Saharan Africa (57% of daughters are more qualified than their parents vs. 49% of sons) and North Africa (73% vs. 70%). When compared with the parent of the same sex (and not with the highest qualification across both parents, as is the case here), the progress from mothers (less educated, on average, than fathers) to daughters is even more spectacular.

1.6. Lower returns to education on the labour market for descendants of non-European immigrants

From one generation to the next, the descendants of immigrants thus tend to catch up with the educational levels of descendants of French native-born people. But what are the returns of these higher qualifications on the labour market? And in particular, what share of tertiary graduates occupy intermediate or higher-level occupations (Table 2)? The proportion is 77% for descendants of French-born people and 75% for the grandchildren of European immigrants. But the share is smaller among graduates with one or two parents of non-European origin: 69% for those from North Africa, Asia, and the rest of Africa. These differences by origin can be explained partly by hiring discrimination, a well-attested phenomenon [4]. In all groups, the labour market returns to a tertiary qualification are lower for women, largely because they more frequently leave the labour force.

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The descendants of immigrants achieve much higher educational levels than their parents. Yet despite this progress, the second generation does not fully catch up with the native-born population. This is especially the case for the children of immigrants from Southern Europe, North Africa, and, above all, Turkey. For children of mixed-origin parents and the third generation of European origin, the levels are similar to those of children of native-born parents. And what about the grandchildren of non-European immigrants? The TeO2 survey drew an additional sample for this population. Data from this sample, along with the information collected on the children’s education, will be used to answer this important question. It remains true that having a tertiary qualification does not guarantee equal access to the labour market across origin groups. Educational mobility favours social mobility but provides no guarantees.

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