Fathers have embraced longer and more flexible paternity leave

For four out of five births, leave beyond the mandatory week is taken 

Data from the FamEmp Survey (Box 2) show that paternity leave uptake  saw a sharp increase in the 2 years fol-lowing its introduction in 2002, then stabilized at just under 75% in the mid-2000s, and remained at just over that in the 2010s (Figure 1). The significant extension of its duration in July 2021 has not produced any drastic change in uptake but has supported the upward trend that began 4 years prior to the reform. This continuing trend is evidence of an increasing desire among fathers to be present for their baby (and the mother) [4]. For more than 4 in 5 infants (81%) born between July 2021 and December 2023, fathers took all or part of their paternity leave beyond the mandatory week.

Major occupational disparities remain in the use of paternity leave

Use of paternity leave may depend on various factors, including the father’s perception of fatherhood, their awareness of the scheme, and their family and work-related obligations. Family situation makes little difference. Use of leave does not vary according to the sex of the child and varies very little based on family size or father’s age at the time of the birth. It is more closely linked to the father’s level of education: the least educated fathers are slightly less likely to take this leave than university graduates. Above all, however, use of leave is tied to the father’s employment situation before the birth  (Figure 2). Since the introduction of this leave, fathers employed in the public sector (as civil servants) or in the private sector on permanent contracts are those most likely to make use of their entitlement, followed by those on fixed-term contracts. Self-employed fathers are much less likely to use the leave, and fathers who are unemployed prior to the birth still less so, despite the fact that paternity leave allows them to extend their right to unemployment benefits.

Over recent years, use of paternity leave has increased more among the occupational categories in which it was previously used the least. So, while it remains low, uptake among self-­employed fathers has increased significant-ly since 2017. The incorporation of self-employed workers into the general social protection system in 2018 un-doubtedly helped simplify their administrative processes and facilitated the increase in uptake that began shortly before the 2021 reform. Likewise, since 2021, unemployed fathers and those on fixed-term contracts have been taking more leave. Uptake also increased significantly among fathers with only a secondary-school level qualifica-tion (baccalaureate), and, by the end of the period, it had caught up with the rate observed among university graduates. Among those without a baccalaureate, while uptake declined between 2013 and 2021, we observe an increase in use of the leave since the reform. The new options introduced by the reform seem to have encouraged the use of paternity leave by a more diverse range of fathers, enabling its increased uptake among those who were previously the most reluctant or least able to take it.

Work-related and financial pressures hinder use of leave

The number of fathers who do not take paternity leave is declining and the reported reasons have also changed. Fathers who have had a child since the 2021 reform are less likely than 10 years ago to report “not wanting” to take their paternity leave (Figure 3). While at the start of the 2010s, this reason—reported by 9% of all fathers and 40% of fathers who did not use their leave—was the most common reason cited for not using leave, it is now the third most common (cited by 7% of all fathers and 35% of those who did not go on leave). On the other hand, work-related pressures, particularly excessive workload, are now more frequently cited reasons. Financial re-strictions, perhaps amplified by the inflation observed over the period, are also now more commonly cited. Fears of disapproval from superiors or colleagues, as well as the complexity of the administrative process, are now less frequently advanced explanations. Lastly, 4% of all fathers (1 in 5 fathers among those who did not take leave) reported not currently being entitled to the leave, a figure quite close to the actual non-eligibility rate for the scheme (estimated at 6%).

Changes in the reasons for non-use reflect changes in paternity norms since the turn of the century. Fathers’ presence at the time of a birth and use of paternity leave is an increasingly strong social expectation, supported by the healthcare sector [3] and communities, and seems generally well-accepted by workplaces, including since the extension of the leave to 25 days [5]. Correspondingly, fear of leave being “negatively perceived” by superiors or colleagues is cited rarely, and less and less often. This positive cultural context may encourage men to make use of their rights when they can—or prevent them from openly admitting their reluctance to interrupt their work in or-der to look after their newborn.

Changes in the reasons for non-use reflect changes in paternity norms since the turn of the century. Fathers’ presence at the time of a birth and use of paternity leave is an increasingly strong social expectation, supported by the healthcare sector [3] and communities, and seems generally well-accepted by workplaces, including since the extension of the leave to 25 days [5]. Correspondingly, fear of leave being “negatively perceived” by superiors or colleagues is cited rarely, and less and less often. This positive cultural context may encourage men to make use of their rights when they can—or prevent them from openly admitting their reluctance to interrupt their work in or-der to look after their newborn.

Which fathers take all their paternity leave and which split it up?

As a reminder, the new leave scheme allows fathers to take all or part of the 21 days beyond the mandatory week; the days can be split into separate periods. The extension of the duration has been very successful. Since 2022, 59% of all births are covered by the full leave entitlement, and 70% of births for which fathers take more than the mandatory week. Splitting the leave into multiple periods has become more popular over time, increasing from 23% among births in the second half of 2021 to 33% among those in the second half of 2023.

Fathers are more likely to take full paternity leave after a first birth than after subsequent ones (full leave is taken after 62% of first births, compared with 57% of second and 49% of third births). This fall in the number of days’ leave taken with each subsequent birth may reflect a more marked division of roles between the parents (associ-ated with the reduction or interruption of the mother’s professional activity), or the greater occupational or finan-cial pressures experienced by fathers as their family grows.

Salaried fathers, whether they are civil servants, on permanent contracts, or on fixed-term contracts, take their full leave more often (75% of births) than self-employed fathers (55%). Splitting of the leave into separate periods is more common among private sector employees (on fixed-term or permanent contracts) and among self-employed workers than among civil servants. Splitting of leave and partial use of paternity entitlement undoubtedly helps fathers to balance paternal involvement with the pressures of work.

The flexibility of the new leave scheme makes it easier to adapt to family and work-related obligations. Use of the option to split the leave varies based on the month of the birth. When the birth takes place during a holiday period (e.g., July or August), the leave is more often used in full and in one single period, while splitting is more common for births in October or March, enabling some of the leave to be deferred until a time more suited to family holi-days (e.g., the end-of-year or summer holidays).

Paternity leave staggered with maternity leave: still unusual but growing in popularity

While most fathers take their leave before the mother returns to work, since 2021 more fathers have taken pater-nity leave without their partner at home. The latter situation applies to 8% of births, versus 2% before the reform (Figure 4). This increase could be linked to the extension of paternity leave and of the window for taking it, and to the option of splitting it up (one-quarter of split paternity leaves are partly taken after the mother’s return to work). This “solo” leave is more conducive to paternal investment in parental tasks [6]. Even since the reform, however, only a small minority of fathers take solo leave. The practice does increase with the father’s level of ed-ucation, ranging from 9.5% of fathers without a baccalaureate to 11% of those with a university degree. It is also much more common with first (10%) and second (nearly 14%) births than with third ones (4%). This could be ex-plained by the longer maternity leave accorded to these third births, which is also more likely to be followed by an interruption of the mother’s professional activity.
 

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Overall, use of paternity leave has increased. Significant media coverage of the debates over its reform may have helped raise awareness around eligibility for the scheme, while reinforcing the idea that use of paternity leave now constitutes a social norm of fatherhood. This reform has enabled fathers to be more present for newborns and their mothers, and for a longer period of time. While its new rules have benefitted the fathers who faced the greatest obstacles to taking leave, as reflected by the greater diversity of users, marked disparities remain in the use of the leave, particularly based on employment situation. Even though some restrictions remain, the use of ­paternity leave is becoming increasingly widespread and is now common practice for the vast majority of fathers. The current scheme will be further supplemented by the new birth leave (congé de naissance) coming into force in 2026. 

Notes

  1 Data for the tables and figures are available in Excel format in the ‘Related documents’ tab on INED’s web page for Population & Societies.

2 . For simplicity, we will refer to the 3 days of birth leave accorded to employed fathers and the 4 mandatory days of paternity leave as the “mandatory week”.

 3.In this article, uptake relates to days taken in addition to mandatory leave and is calculated in relation to all births (or adoptions), not in relation to the number of fathers eligible for paternity leave, since the data do not provide details of such eligibility. The proportion of non-eligible fathers is low—estimated at 6% in 2021 [3]—but can vary with the labour market situation.

4.   The survey does not collect this information for the mother at the time of the birth.

 5. This new birth leave, which provides for 1–2 months leave per parent, was voted on as part of the law on social security funding for 2026. It will come into force on 1 July 2026.